The bombs fall on Gaza, but the chains tighten in Washington. The Palestinian lies in ruins; the American, in submission.
The suffocation of Gaza is not merely an excess of violence. It reflects something deeper—a programmed subjugation, the work of an empire that no longer commands but obeys, that no longer thinks but executes.
One might dismiss this as editorial happenstance. But the pattern is too structured to be anecdotal. In January, 60 Minutes aired a segment on the war in Gaza. State Department officials expressed frustration at the Biden administration’s efforts to shield Israeli atrocities and block humanitarian aid. Shortly after the broadcast, Shari Redstone—major shareholder of CBS’s parent company and staunch Israel supporter, voiced displeasure. Susan Zirinsky was promptly brought back to supervise journalistic standards. Soon after, producer Bill Owens resigned.
The New York Times, in lockstep, headlined its April 22 piece: “Chief Resigns in Emotional Meeting: ‘The Company Is Done With Me.’” Redstone’s name was buried at the end. No mention of interference. No reckoning. Journalism, once adversarial, now disciplines. It filters, submits, and conforms.
This is not an isolated incident. It signals a deeper contamination. What’s at stake is the sovereignty of narrative itself—who defines justice, who controls meaning, who decides what is visible and what remains hidden.
This erosion did not begin with Gaza. In 1967, Ambassador Arthur Goldberg crafted UN Resolution 242, calling for Israeli withdrawal, but omitting any mention of Palestinian national rights. That omission was doctrine. Kissinger turned it into a strategy. His obsession: to neutralize Egypt, dismantle the Arab front, and sever the Palestinian cause from diplomacy. Camp David was less a peace accord than strategic sedation. Behind closed doors, Kissinger allegedly advised Rabin to shoot Intifada children in the legs, instead of killing them—because wounds “would hurt Israel’s image less.”
In 1982, the Yinon Plan envisioned the Arab world fragmented—sectarianized, dismantled—so no regional power could challenge Israel. This was no conspiracy—it became policy. In 1996, neoconservatives close to Netanyahu authored A Clean Break, calling for regime change in Iraq, isolation of Syria, and pressure on Iran. The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) followed. In 2000, its report Rebuilding America’s Defenses explicitly noted that their goals might be hard to achieve “absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event—like a new Pearl Harbor.”
September 11 delivered just that. Then came the sequence: Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Sudan. Wars disguised as responses were in fact pre-scripted. Not history unfolding—but a design in motion, crafted not in Washington’s daylight, but in its shadows—between Tel Aviv, think tanks, and imperial theologians.
Even the university has capitulated. Columbia, Yale, and others—formerly bastions of dissent—now punish students for peaceful pro-Gaza protests. Billionaire donors like Bill Ackman and the Pritzkers demand ideological conformity. They champion inclusion and LGBTQ rights, so long as no one questions the empire. But speak for Palestine, and the mask slips. Inclusion, it turns out, has limits.
This capture is not only cultural—it is military. While some US officials sought dialogue with Iran, the pro-Israel lobby sabotaged efforts through impossible demands. Under Trump, National Security Advisor Mike Waltz was reportedly dismissed—not for policy disagreement, but for secretly coordinating a military strike with Netanyahu. The Washington Post described this as outright collusion. Yet the episode was largely erased by the press.
Previously involved in Signalgate, where he allowed pro-Israel journalist Jeffrey Goldberg into confidential briefings, Waltz embodies a normalized extraterritorial loyalty. Today, he’s even considered for a UN post. As Jeffrey Sachs noted, America has been fighting Israel’s wars for three decades—from Iraq to Yemen. Iran is the final frontier.
Across administrations, a consistent architecture has guided US policy, shaped by pro-Israel networks, donors, and shared ideological frameworks. Clinton’s team (Albright, Berger, Ross, Indyk) focused on containment, not resolution, backed by figures like Haim Saban. Under Bush, neoconservatives (Wolfowitz, Perle, Feith, Wurmser) pursued a regional overhaul through war, funded by hawkish billionaires like Sheldon Adelson.
Evangelicals and hardline conservatives—Bannon, Huckabee, Graham, Cotton—merge biblical prophecy with foreign policy. Huckabee denies Palestine’s existence and views Israeli expansion asa divine mandate. Cotton pushes to rename the “West Bank” as “Judea and Samaria.” Scripture becomes doctrine. Anti-Arab racism becomes a strategy. In April 2025, Andy Fine—a pro-Zionist American—openly justified starving Gaza’s population to secure Israeli hostages. His cruelty met only silence.
These are not isolated outbursts but signs of collapse—a fusion of vengeance, contempt, and calculation. In this political theology, extermination is no longer hidden—it is articulated, legislated, and normalized. The line between military tactics and metaphysical command has vanished.
Thus dies sovereignty. Not with a bang, but in obedience. Not through rebellion, but through bureaucratic routine. Not by arms, but through the soft tyranny of ideology, scripture, and surveillance. At the heart of this servitude lies the military-industrial complex, whose profits depend on endless war and whose loyalties align less with the republic than with empire.
This may be America’s ultimate undressing: to have forfeited its narrative, surrendered its soul, and lent its strength to the ambitions of another. The bombs fall on Gaza, but the chains tighten in Washington. The Palestinian lies in ruins; the American, in submission. Empire has not only projected its cruelty outward—it has perfected its obedience within.
– Mohamed El Mokhtar Sidi Haiba is a social and political analyst, whose research interest is focused on African and Middle Eastern Affairs. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.
American politicians who prioritize American interests over Israeli interests are ruined in primary elections. Their challengers receive massive support from AIPAC. For instance, Virginia Republican Congressman Bob Good.
Those who notice are smeared, monitored and harassed by the ADL. For instance, Pat Buchanan.
Tom Cotton receives massive financial support from billionaire Paul Singer. It is rumored that Lindsey Graham is blackmailed. Mike Huckabee loves to quote Genesis 12:3, but he ignores the New Testament interpretation (Galatians 3:16).
Outstanding, well reasoned argument.